The legacy continues: Ethnobotanical knowledge of the Uzbekistan Koryoin

Study area

To obtain the data necessary for the purposes of this study, in 2020, we conducted a survey in the Tashkent region of Uzbekistan, wherein a majority (over 80%) of the Uzbek Koryoin currently reside (Fig. 1, Table 1) (Association of Korean Cultural Centers of the Republic of Uzbekistan, 2024). Uzbekistan, which is located within a region of Central Asia lying between the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers, covers an area of 448,900 km and has a distinct continental climate. The region is generally arid, with low atmospheric precipitation and humidity, and with the majority of the country receiving annual rainfall of only 200–300 mm. Winters are cold, with January temperatures in the north dropping to −8°C or lower and with extreme lows reaching −35 to −38°. In contrast, summers tend to be hot, particularly in July and August, with average temperatures on the plains and foothills ranging from 25 to 30°C, becoming as high as 41 to 42°C in the south (Khojimatov et al., 2023a).

By international standards, public spending on health, education, and social protection in Uzbekistan is considered reasonable, with government expenditures amounting to 6.3%, 6.0%, and 5.9% of GDP in 2016, 2017, and 2018, respectively (United Nations Uzbekistan, 2021). Approximately 20% of the country’s area has been transformed by human activity, with economic development in areas such as the Fergana Valley, Zeravshan, Kashkadarya, Surkhandarya, Khorezm, the Tashkent oasis, and the Golodnaya Steppe having largely contributed to the replacement of natural ecosystems with irrigated lands and settlements (Khojimatov et al., 2023a).

Ethnobotanical data collection

Our ethnobotanical survey was conducted in the Russian language based on informal and unstructured interviews (Alexiades, 1996). A total of 31 Koryoin who were either living in or who were born in Uzbekistan were included, among whom 23 were female and eight were male. In terms of age distribution, four of the participants were aged 80 years or older, 16 were aged between 70 and 79 years, nine were aged between 60 and 69 years, and two were below the age of 60 years. We particularly focused on older individuals, as they are typically more knowledgeable regarding the traditional uses of plants. The respondents were categorized by generation depending on their birth dates, with the first generation born before August 1937 in the Soviet Far East and the second generation comprising the children and grandchildren of the first generation, who were born after the forced resettlement from the Far East and whose primary socialization occurred during the Soviet period (Kim, 2021) (Table 2).

Plants mentioned by the respondents were classified into the following four main categories based on their usage: alimental, medicinal, household/handicraft, and others, with the lattermost comprising those plants with uses that were not covered by any of the first three categories. The scientific names of the plants were standardized based on references to the Plantarium and Plants of the World Online (POWO) resources (Plantarium, 2007; POWO, 2024). Questions regarding ornamental, cultivar, and agricultural plants were deliberately excluded from the survey, and information pertaining to these plants was recorded only if incidentally mentioned by the respondents. All collected data were organized and stored in a tabular format using Microsoft Office Excel.

Data analysis

For the purposes of a quantitative analysis, we applied the following two synthetic indices to evaluate the cultural importance of the plants cited by the respondents.

Relative frequency of citation (RFC)

where FC (frequency of citation) is the number of respondents who mentioned the use of a given species and N is the total number of respondents. Accordingly, the values of this index were obtained by dividing the number of respondents who mentioned a particular species by the total number of participants in the survey. The values range from 0 to 1, with higher values indicating that a species is mentioned by a larger proportion of respondents, thereby tending to indicate greater cultural importance or more widespread use within the community. This index does not take into consideration the differences in use categories and focuses solely on the frequency with which a species in mentioned (Signorini et al., 2009).

Cultural importance index (CI)

where u represents the use category, NC is the total number of different use categories for each I species, UR is the total number of use–reports obtained for a given species, and N is the total number of respondents. This index takes into consideration both the number of respondents that mentioned a species and the diversity of its reported uses (Tardío and Pardo-de-Santayana, 2008; Signorini et al., 2009). A higher CI value indicates that a plant is widely known and has diverse uses. These two indices measure the frequency and diversity of plant use, thereby reflecting their cultural significance within the studied community.

Ethnobotanical practices were classified into three distinct categories based on the current usage patterns described by the respondents. “Active use” refers to instances in which plants continue to be employed in a manner mentioned by the respondents, thereby indicating continuing relevance and application. “Partial use” denotes cases in which although some of the traditional uses of plants persist, others have diminished, and among the respondents remain only as memories of past practices. “Passive use” refers to instances in which the plants and their associated practices are no longer in use, with the knowledge of these uses preserved solely as recollections from the past.

Distribution of ethnobotanical knowledge among the respondent groups

The distribution of ethnobotanical knowledge among the informants was analyzed with respect to three main categories: year of birth, generation, and sex (Table 3). With regard to the year of birth, informants were grouped within four cohorts of the 1930s, 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s to 1970s. We found that among the assessed cohorts, the average number of citations per informant was relatively similar, ranging from 15.1 to 18.7, with those in the 1930s cohort providing the highest average number of citations (18.7), with the average values for those in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s to 1970s cohorts being 15.1, 15.3, and 16.5, respectively. These findings indicate that ethnobotanical knowledge has been relatively well maintained since the relocation of the Koryoin to Central Asia.

Participants were also divided into two generational groups, of which the first generation (three informants) had directly experienced migration, whereas those in the second generation (28 informants) were born in Central Asia. Compared with the 15.3 citations per informant obtained from participants in the second generation, we obtained a slightly higher average number of citations (18.7) from first-generation participants (18.7).

In terms of sex, eight of the participants were male and 23 were female, from whom we obtained respective averages of 13.8 and 6.3 citations per person.

General overview of the ethnobotanical plants mentioned by the respondents

The respondents mentioned a total of 72 plant taxa within 28 botanical families that are traditionally used by the Koryoin (Appendix 1), among which plants in the families Asteraceae and Poaceae, each with seven taxa, had the highest representation, each accounting for 9.72% of the total. These were followed by six taxa (8.33%) in the family Fabaceae, with the families Brassicaceae, Cucurbitaceae, Rosaceae, and Solanaceae each being represented by five taxa (6.94% each), both Amaranthaceae and Lamiaceae being represented by four taxa, and Apiaceae by three taxa (Table 4).

In terms of citations, we recorded the highest number of mentions for plants in the family Poaceae, with 75 citations, accounting for 15.53% of the total, followed by Amaranthaceae with 46 citations (9.52%) and Fabaceae with 44 citations (9.11%). Asteraceae, despite having the joint highest number of taxa (7), had fewer citations (34 citations, 7.04%). Conversely, several other families with fewer cited taxa were identified as being of notable importance in terms of specific uses. Similarly, the single representative of the family Portulacaceae was mentioned 20 (4.14%) times.

The most frequently mentioned ethnobotanical taxa were Allium ramosum L., Spinacia oleracea subsp. turkestanica (Iljin) Del Guacchio & P. Caputo, and Oryza sativa L., each of which being cited by 31 respondents. Following these, Glycine max (L.) Merr. was mentioned by 23 respondents, and Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl. by 21. Portulaca oleracea L. was cited by 20 respondents, whereas Taraxacum sp. received 17 mentions. Other frequently mentioned taxa included Zea mays L. (14 respondents), Echinochloa crusgalli (L.) P. Beauv. (13 respondents), and Plantago major L. and Solanum nigrum L., each of which were cited by 12 respondents (Table 5).

The most frequently mentioned plant uses were classified under the alimentary category, accounting for 51 taxa and 358 citations. Medicinal uses accounted for 26 taxa and 95 citations, whereas 8 taxa (with 51 citations) were associated with household/handicraft uses. Notably, plants categorized under household/handicraft use, such as Lagenaria siceraria and Salix sp., were mentioned by respondents primarily for this specific purpose, in contrast to the other three categories, in which species were frequently cited for multiple uses (Fig. 2). The other category, which encompassed miscellaneous uses not covered by the other three categories, included 11 taxa and received 52 citations (Table 6).

Quantitative analysis of ethnobotanical taxa

A quantitative analysis revealed that the most culturally significant taxa, based on the RFC index, were Allium ramosum (Fig. 3), Spinacia oleracea subsp. turkestanica, and Oryza sativa, each of which were cited by all survey respondents (RFC = 1.0). These taxa were mentioned exclusively for their alimentary uses (Table 7). In terms of the CI index, Portulaca oleracea emerged as the most culturally significant taxon (CI = 1.2903), being cited by 20 respondents with respect to two of the assessed use categories, specifically alimentary and other (used as fodder in this case).

Several taxa were found to show contrasting patterns with respect to the RFC and CI rankings. For example, whereas Taraxacum sp., ranked relatively low in terms of RFC (0.5484), it had a comparatively higher CI value (0.6129), with reported uses in three of the four use categories (alimentary, medicinal, and other). Similarly, whereas we recorded a moderate RFC value of 0.4516 for Zea mays, this plant was accorded a high CI value of 0.9032, attributable to its equivalent mention with respect to the two use categories alimentary and medicinal, thus reflecting its multi-purpose utility. A similar trend of lower RFC values but higher CI values was also noted for Solanum nigrum, Juglans regia L., Armoracia rusticana G. Gaertn., B. Mey. & Scherb., and Rubus caesius L. These findings thus appear to indicate that despite being mentioned by fewer respondents, certain plants with diverse uses hold particular cultural importance.

Among the top 25 taxa ranked with respect to RFC and CI values, 21 were cited for their alimentary uses, nine were noted for their medicinal uses, two were associated with household or handicraft purposes, and four were mentioned for other uses. A majority of these taxa were identified for their utility in one or two use categories. Of these, the two taxa classified under the household/handcraft category were reported as being used exclusively for this purpose. Notably, only two taxa, Taraxacum sp. and Juglans regia, were reported to have applications among three of the use categories.

Patterns of plant utilization based on Koryoin ethnobotanical knowledge

The ethnobotanical knowledge of the Koryoin community is reflected in distinct patterns of plant usage, which can be classified into three categories based on current applications. “Active use refers to plants that are still widely or regularly utilized in daily life, whereas passive use includes plants that have largely fallen out of regular use, although knowledge of their uses persists in the cultural memory, and partial use encompasses plants that are used only occasionally or in limited contexts.

Of the 72 taxa mentioned by respondents, a large proportion of plants are still actively utilized (38 taxa, 53%), indicating their enduring relevance in contemporary practices. In contrast, 22 (30%) of the mentioned plants have become obsolete in terms of use, whilst a smaller proportion of plants has been partially retained in cultural practices (12 taxa, 17%), reflecting limited or sporadic usage (Fig. 4A). In terms of the parts of plants respondents identified as being useful, fruits and seeds were the most frequently cited, comprising 34% of the total, followed by leaves at 30% and shoots at 20% (Fig. 4B).

Ethnobotany of Uzbekistan

On the basis of research on the ethnobotany of Uzbekistan (Khojimatov et al., 2023a), a number of useful plants were identified, the ethnobotanical knowledge of which makes a significant contribution to culinary practices, with a diverse range of plants commonly used in everyday meals. Allium species, such as onions and garlic, are among the most frequently used ingredients, forming the base for many traditional dishes, such as plov, soups, and stews. Plov is a traditional staple in Uzbek cuisine, prepared from rice, meat, onions, carrots, and spices, that is commonly served at gatherings and special occasions (Karabay et al., 2023). Originating in Central Asia, Malus domestica (Suckow) Borkh. (apple) and its ancestral species M. sieversii (Ledeb.) M. Roem. are other widely consumed plants that are commonly eaten fresh or used in desserts. In Uzbek cuisine, dry seeds (commonly referred to as nuts) are similarly an integral component of Uzbek cuisine, with Juglans regia (walnut), Prunus amygdalus Batsch (almond), and Pistacia vera (pistachio) commonly used in sweets and snacks. These plants are native to Central Asia, thereby highlighting their cultural and ecological importance in the region (Aradhya et al., 2021; Mir-Makhamad et al., 2022). In addition, Cucurbita pepo L. (pumpkin) is a versatile plant used in soups, stews, and desserts, among which is pumpkin samsa, a traditional Central Asian pastry, typically filled with meat, onions, and spices, and baked in a tandoor oven, similar to savory hand pies and also a popular street food in Uzbekistan (Karabay et al., 2023).

In Uzbekistan, traditional medicinal practices are heavily dependent on ethnobotanical knowledge, with local healers, known as tabibs, using their knowledge of medicinal plants that has been passed down through generations to treat a range of ailments. One of the most widely used medicinal plants is Glycyrrhiza glabra L. (licorice), prized for its anti-inflammatory and soothing properties and commonly employed in remedies for respiratory and gastrointestinal issues, highlighting its versatility in traditional treatments (Khojimatov et al., 2023a). In addition, although typically valued for its culinary use, Crocus sativus L. (saffron) is also used for its medicinal benefits, particularly for those with digestive and nervous disorders (Khojimatov et al., 2023a).

Ethnobotany in Korea

Korean cuisine is notable with respect to its deeply rooted use of wild plants, particularly with respect to dishes such as namul (나물) and kimchi (김치). Namul refers to dishes that are prepared by blanching or stir-frying a wide variety of plants, which are subsequently seasoned with soy sauce, vinegar, or sesame oil (Cho, 1998), whereas kimchi is a fermented dish prepared by salting vegetables and seasoning them with chili powder and salted seafood (젓갈, jeotgal) (Park and Kown, 2017). Notably, although certain vegetables, such as cabbage or radish, are commonly used, virtually any plant can be converted to kimchi, including chives (Allium tuberosum) and dandelion greens (Taraxacum officinale). Namul and kimchi are integral components of traditional Korean cuisine and are regularly featured in meals. Ethnobotanical research in Korea indicates that many of the most commonly utilized plant taxa are primarily used in the preparation of namul dishes, with species such as Capsella bursa-pastoris (L.) Medik, Spinacia oleracea L. and Vigna radiata (L.) R. Wilczek frequently included in namul while also being served as ingredients in bibimbap (Chung et al., 2017).

Traditional Korean medicine (Hanbang) has a long history of utilizing medicinal plants, the origins of which can be traced back thousands of years (Kee, 1999). Historical texts, such as the Dongui Bogam (동의보감), document the use of native plants in treating diverse ailments, reflecting a deep understanding of plant-based therapies. This knowledge has been preserved and continuously adapted for compatibility with modern contexts, with herbal remedies still playing a key role in contemporary Korean healthcare. For example, the pounded roots or entire plants of Taraxacum platycarpum Dahlst. are used to treat cancer and diabetes, whereas the roots of Morus alba are boiled and used for colds and arthritis, and Glycyrrhiza uralensis is used to aid digestion and relieve bronchial conditions (Chung et al., 2017). The enduring use of medicinal plants in Hanbang highlights the sustainable and effective application of ethnobotanical knowledge that has been passed down from historical times to the present. Furthermore, a diverse range of plants are also used for household and handicraft purposes in traditional Korean culture. For example, whereas the inner flesh of the hard fruit from Lagenaria siceraria is scraped out and used to prepare namul or kimchi, the dried outer shell can be repurposed as a dipper or bowl (바가지, bagaji) (Chung et al., 2017), and the dried fruit of Luffa cylindrica is used as a sponge for washing dishes (Chung et al., 2017).

Ethnobotany of the Koryoin: From preservation to adaptation

The ethnobotanical knowledge of the Koryoin represents a dynamic fusion of Korean and Central Asian traditions, as noted above. For example, whereas certain plants native to both Central Asia and Korea are used in similar ways across both regions, others have different uses. Within their new environment, the Koryoin also continue to use several familiar plants in a manner similar to that practiced in Korea. They have also adapted certain Central Asian species, which are prepared using typical Korean culinary techniques, and, notably, have also introduced several plants from Korea and currently cultivate these in Central Asia. Moreover, they have assimilated Central Asian ethnobotanical knowledge, which is reflected in their current day-to-day practices (Appendix 2).

An example of plants that are used similarly in both regions are species in the genus Taraxacum (dandelion), the leaves of which are commonly consumed in salads by the Koryoin, Koreans, and Uzbeks (Chung et al., 2017; Khojimatov et al., 2023b). In Uzbekistan, the roots of Taraxacum officinale are dried and added to coffee or roasted and eaten. Similarly, Juglans regia (walnut), which is native to Central Asia, is also widely consumed in all three cultural spheres, also finding use as a medicinal remedy for oral health. This medicinal use appears to be common across Asia, including China, the Himalayas, Pakistan, and India, where applications include the cleaning of teeth and the treatment of toothaches (Khojimatov et al., 2023b).

Conversely, certain plants native to both Central Asia and Korea are used differently in each region, and the Koryoin have adapted to their new environment by utilizing these familiar plants by retaining the traditional Korean methods, an example being Glycine max, the beans of which are used to prepare soy sauce and soy paste, whereas the young leaves are either eaten fresh or salted. Similarly, the Koryoin use Solanum nigrum in a manner that closely mirrors its use in Korea, with both the leaves and fruits being consumed; it is also used medicinally for the treatment of sore throats and tonsillitis. Other examples include Echinochloa crus-galli, which is consumed during periods when rice is scarce. These examples accordingly illustrate the Koryoin’s preservation and continued application of ethnobotanical knowledge in alignment with traditional Korean practices.

There are also instances in which the patterns of Korean usage have been applied to Central Asian plant species, an example of which is the use of Allium ramosum, a plant native to Central Asia. The Koryoin consume A. ramosum raw or seasoned, similar to its use in Korea (Fig. 3). Given that A. tuberosum, which is commonly used for namul and kimchi in Korea, is not widely used in Central Asia, the Koryoin appear to have identified A. ramosum as a suitable substitute. In Central Asia, A. ramosum, along with A. cepa, A. pskemense, and A. sativum, are used as seasonings and incorporated into green samsa (Khassanov, 2018). Additionally, the Koryoin prepare kimchi using Lepidium sativum L., a species native to Central Asia, Europe, and the Arabian Peninsula. Such examples thus serve to illustrate how the Koryoin have adapted Korean dishes, such as kimchi, using locally available Central Asian plants.

In addition to utilizing plants native to their new homeland, as part of their cultural integration in Central Asia, the Koryoin have also introduced and begun cultivating plants from Korea, a notable example of which is rice (Oryza sativa), a staple of the Korean diet, the cultivation of which requires humid conditions and substantial water resources. Given the dry climate of Central Asia, large-scale rice farming is not a common feature in this area; in contrast, by the 1900s, over half of Korea’s cultivated land was dedicated to rice paddies, thereby highlighting both its agricultural and social importance (The Japanese Government General of Korea, 1911). After settling in Central Asia, the Koryoin gradually began to cultivate rice, with several collective farms (kolkhozes) being successfully established in Kazakhstan, such as Avant-Garde Kolkhoz (Kim and Men, 1995). The rice farming undertaken by the Koryoin in Central Asia is historically significant, in that by developing irrigation systems to overcome the challenges posed by the arid climate, they have made a significant contribution to enhancing the regional agricultural infrastructure. This has extended the northern boundary of rice cultivation, demonstrating the feasibility of rice farming in saline soils (Lee, 2000).

A further example of a plant that appears to have been introduced to Central Asia by the Koryoin during their migration is the Korean melon (chamoe), known for its oval shape, yellow rind, and white stripes. Although a type of melon (Cucumis melo L.), it is a distinctive fruit that is popular in Korea but rarely found outside East Asia. Whereas the current chamoe varieties are yellow, historical records from the Joseon era indicate that Koreans cultivated green and black striped varieties, referred to as gganji chamoe or gaeguri (frog) chamoe. These traditional varieties were commonly grown in Korea until the 1960s, and during our research in Central Asia, we were surprised to discover that the Koryoin continue to cultivate gganji chamoe. Notably, in terms of usage, they continue to employ traditional practices that are strikingly similar to those documented in Korea, such as grinding chamoe into a powder and inhaling this through the nose as a treatment for jaundice. These findings thus indicate that despite the near disappearance of this melon variety from Korea, the Koryoin have preserved and continue to cultivate and use this fruit in a traditional manner. This accordingly serves to highlight how their traditional agricultural practices have persisted, thereby allowing them to maintain a cultural connection with their national heritage. Among other plants introduced and cultivated by the Koryoin is Lagenaria siceraria, the fruits of which are used to make dippers (바가지, bagaji) in the traditional Korean manner (Figure 2). However, rather than simply preserving their ethnobotanical knowledge, the Koryoin have actively adapted and expanded this knowledge by cultivating new crops following their migration.

In tandem with the preservation and adaptation of traditional Korean practices, the Koryoin have also adopted ethnobotanical knowledge from Central Asia, as exemplified by their use of Armoracia rusticana G. Gaertn., B. Mey. & Scherb. (horseradish), which although not traditionally recorded in Korea’s ethnobotanical knowledge, is utilized in Central Asia as a mustard substitute, to relieve joint pain, and as a remedy for debilitation (Sampliner and Miller, 2009). The Koryoin surveyed in this study reported using this plant to treat cold symptoms, suggesting the adoption of the Central Asian practice for managing general debilitation. Similarly, its use in the treatment of skin sores appears to reflect Central Asian practices. Likewise, Mentha longifolia var. asiatica (Boriss.) Rech. f. is used in Central Asia for gastrointestinal disorders and other ailments, including headaches and colds, practices which the Koryoin have adopted, consuming it for similar therapeutic purposes. The Koryoin also appear to have adopted Central Asian ethnobotanical knowledge in their use of Anethum graveolens L. (dill), a plant that is widely used as a spice in the region (Khojimatov and Bussmann, 2023). Furthermore, plants not native to Korea, such as Cichorium intybus L., Glycyrrhiza glabra L., and Leonurus turkestanicus V. I. Krecz. & Kuprian., are used medicinally by the Koryoin in a manner consistent with Central Asian practices. Among these plants, Glycyrrhiza glabra is used in Central Asia for the treatment of respiratory diseases and for digestive support, and the Koryoin respondents reported its use as an expectorant in a similar context. Leonurus turkestanicus, native to Central Asia, Iran, and Xinjiang, is commonly used in Central Asia as a decoction for hypertension and for cardiovascular and gastrointestinal disorders, and for its anti-inflammatory properties, and the Koryoin surveyed also mentioned employing a decoction of this plant for the treatment of hypertension and for relief from stomach pain.

Threatened legacy: The status of Koryoin ethnobotanical practices

By maintaining traditional practices and beliefs associated with plant use, ethnobotanical knowledge serves an essential role in preserving cultural identity (Kumar et al., 2021). Through the generational passage of essential information regarding plants, rituals, and environmental interactions, this knowledge ensures the continuity of cultural traditions. In terms of agriculture, ethnobotanical knowledge provides insights into traditional farming techniques and sustainable practices, thereby enhancing the resilience of local food production systems (Quave and Pieroni, 2015). Preserving this knowledge ensures the maintenance of agricultural diversity and supports communities in their efforts to adapt to environmental change, thereby contributing to long-term food security.

The ethnobotanical knowledge of the Koryoin is particularly valuable in that it reflects a unique fusion of Korean and Central Asian cultures (Chung and Park, 2009). By adapting their traditional Korean knowledge of plants to the Central Asia environment, the Koryoin have preserved their cultural heritage whilst progressively integrating local practices. This knowledge reflects their resilience and identity, highlighting the ability of the Koryoin to maintain their traditions despite the manifold challenges of displacement.

However, globally, most cultures have in recent generations experienced a loss of ethnobotanical knowledge due to factors such as globalization, urbanization, and the shift toward modern agricultural systems (Ramirez, 2007). Given their unique historical circumstances, the threat of losing such ethnobotanical knowledge is particularly pronounced among the Koryoin. When forcibly relocated from the Russian Far East to Central Asia in the 1930s, these settlers were separated from the ecosystems and plant species central to their ethnobotanical practices. Displacement to an alien environment, with unfamiliar flora, presented numerous obstacles to ensuring the preservation and practice of their ancestral knowledge. Despite these challenges, our findings in this study indicate that among the Koryoin, ethnobotanical knowledge has been relatively well preserved among middle-aged and older individuals. Moreover, the fact that among the assessed agerelated cohorts we obtained a relatively consistent average number of citations per informant provides evidence indicating that the legacy of traditional plant use and knowledge continues to endure within these groups (Table 3).

Over time, as younger generations become increasingly more integrated into new societies, the inter-generational transfer of this knowledge is likely to weaken further. Elders, the primary knowledge holders, may lose their influence in societies that prioritize modern medicine and agricultural methods, and it is anticipated that urbanization will further accelerate this decline, as the younger generations move to cities and become increasingly disconnected from nature. This shift will predictably reduce the opportunities to engage in ethnobotany or gain traditional ethnobotanical knowledge. The combination of these factors could accordingly render the Koryoin particularly vulnerable to a substantial loss of their ethnobotanical heritage in the future.

The transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge differs depending on the plant taxa involved, with the patterns of lant usage tending to be influenced by both significance and accessibility. Plants that continue to be actively used typically hold strong cultural importance or are readily accessible in the region. For instance, Allium ramosum is used in Koryoin ancestral rituals on Hansik (한식, Korean food) day and is also widely cultivated and consumed in Uzbekistan. Similarly, Oryza sativa is a staple food of the Koryoin and is extensively grown in Central Asia, meaning that it is readily available in local markets, as is Glycine max, which is widely utilized due to its global significance as a food crop. Therefore, the availability of a particular plant plays a key role in the preservation of ethnobotanical knowledge.

As defined in the present context, partial use indicates that whereas a plant has known applications, its usage has diminished or is currently limited to certain circumstances. Plants such as those in the genera Trifolium and Portulaca are good examples of species with partial use. These were mentioned by respondents as being used as food and fodder plants, although whereas plants in neither of these genera are currently used for human consumption, they continue to be used as a feed for different domestic animals. An additional factor contributing to the decline in the consumption of Portulaca, the dried stems of which were previously used as a substitute for ferns, has been the increasingly wide availability of dried ferns in Tashkent markets. For example, Portulaca oleracea has long ceased to be used as an edible plant, and knowledge of its use currently remains mainly in the memories of the first- and second-generation respondents here.

Passive use refers to cases in which a plant is no longer actively utilized, with knowledge of its application persisting only as a memory from the past, and with ongoing shifts in lifestyle, agricultural practice, and the availability of modern alternatives having contributed to this decline. For example, Lagenaria siceraria was cited by 21 respondents for its traditional use in preparing dishes and making household tools. However, it is no longer employed for these purposes, for which it has been replaced by widely available more durable and convenient modern materials, such as plastic and metal. Similarly, Echinochloa crus-galli, which in the past had been used as a substitute for rice during times of scarcity, is no longer commonly used as such given the present-day yearround availability of rice. In other cases, the use of plants such as Plantago major and Solanum nigrum, which have traditionally been used for medicinal purposes, has largely been superseded by modern pharmaceuticals. The use of Nicotiana rustica, previously employed for the production of makhorka and as an insect repellent, has similar diminished, presumably due to the current widespread availability of commercial tobacco products and alternative synthetic repellents.

Given the Koryoin’s history of displacement, the preservation of this knowledge is of particular significance, offering valuable lessons pertaining to how communities can integrate new plant species whilst maintaining their cultural heritage (Chung and Park, 2009). The continued transmission of Koryoin ethnobotanical knowledge will play a central role in preserving their distinct cultural practices and supporting local food systems in the regions they currently inhabit. Worldwide, ethnobotanical knowledge is at an increasing risk of decline, as a consequence of increasing urbanization, cultural assimilation, and the shift toward modern agricultural systems, and as the transmission of this knowledge weakens, there is a growing threat that this valuable cultural and environmental heritage will be lost. In light of this decline, there is a heightened necessity to document, preserve, and revitalize the ethnobotanical knowledge of the Koryoin. Without such proactive efforts, a significant part of the Koryoin’s cultural identity and their sustainable practices may be lost. Focused efforts to safeguard this knowledge are essential for cultural preservation and for ensuring that future generations benefit from the adaptive and sustainable practices embedded in this tradition.

In this study, we have documented the ethnobotanical knowledge of Koryoin settlers residing in Uzbekistan, serving to illustrate both the preservation of traditional Korean practices and the integration of Central Asian cultural elements. Our comparative analysis of traditional plant usage among Korean, Central Asian, and Koryoin communities reveals the dynamic nature of cultural adaptation, with the Koryoin maintaining significant aspects of their ethnobotanical heritage whilst actively incorporating new species and practices from their local environment.

The findings here emphasize the resilience of the Koryoin in preserving their cultural identity despite the challenges associated with displacement and cultural assimilation. Their capacity to adapt their traditional practices to new geographical and cultural contexts demonstrates the flexibility and continuity of ethnobotanical knowledge. Notably, however, we identified the increasing vulnerability of this knowledge against a backdrop of an increasing modernization of agricultural systems, globalization, and urbanization, which collectively are contributing to a substantial diminution of the transmission of knowledge regarding traditional plant use.

The significance of this research extends beyond merely documenting the ethnobotanical heritage of the Koryoin, as it also contributes to enhancing the understanding of their cultural adaptation and resilience. Preserving this knowledge is crucial for safeguarding the cultural identity of the Koryoin and supporting sustainable practices within their communities. Future efforts should focus on preserving and revitalizing this ethnobotanical heritage, thereby ensuring its transmission to future generations.